"One of the most significant moments that changed the balance of power within Taiz was the killing of Brigadier General Adnan al-Hammadi, commander of the 35th Armored Brigade, in December 2019. His assassination dealt a severe blow to the Al-Hujariya forces, which had been a relatively independent force, independent of the Islah party's influence."

Ibrahim Ali (South24 Center)

When Iftihan Al Mashhari, director of Taiz’s Cleaning and Improvement Fund, was assassinated in broad daylight on September 18, 2025, it shocked the city already battered by war. She was not a combatant or a politician, just a civil servant trying to maintain basic services. But her death that was captured by surveillance cameras exposed something far deeper: a fractured city where militias operate with impunity, security forces are compromised, and political power often trumps justice.

Who is Iftihan Al Mashhari?

Al Mashhari was widely respected for her work in keeping Taiz’s basic services running amid the chaos of war. Residents described her as one of the few visible public officials serving to make a difference in a city where governance has largely collapsed. Her killing was particularly shocking because she had no armed affiliation or political influence, making her a symbol of the vulnerability of the people and of civil servants alike in Taiz.

What made the assassination even more shocking is the manner in which she was killed. Al-Mashhari was pumped with 20 bullets by a motorcycle-borne armed assailant while she was in her car at the Sinan Roundabout in central Taiz, killing her instantly. 

Several women’s organizations in Yemen, including the Women’s Solidarity Network, the National Women's Committee, Karama (a network of civil society groups and activists in 13 countries in Africa and the Arab region), the Abductees’ Mothers Association and Women Journalists Without Chains (WJWC), have roundly condemned her assassination. 

A City at the Crossroads of War

Since Yemen’s war erupted in 2015, Taiz has stood out as one of the most contested and fragmented battlegrounds. Once known as the country’s cultural capital, the city is now divided by frontlines, armed factions, and political rivalries that have hollowed out state authority.

Taiz remains split in two: the Houthis control the western and northern districts, while pro-government forces dominated by the Islah Party hold the eastern and central areas. Even in these “liberated” zones, declared secure in 2016, no unified security system has taken hold. Instead, partisan brigades, militias, and rogue commanders have filled the vacuum.

Military and Security Influences 

In northern neighborhoods such as al-Kalaba, al-Rawda, Asifra, and Wadi al-Qadi, locals speak of armed groups known as the Mofas’een (thugs). Far from being disorganized thugs, these networks include hundreds of fighters, many with military experience from earlier battles against the Houthis.

Activists accuse Islah-linked commanders—especially within the 170th Air Defense Brigade—of shielding the Mofas’een. After each crime, suspects are often briefly detained before being quietly released in secret deals, making murder an almost normalized part of life in Taiz.

Behind their protection stands a trio of powerful figures: Abdu Farhan al-Mikhlafi (“Salem”), adviser to the Taiz military axis; Khaled Fadel, the axis commander; and Mansour al-Akhali, the security director. Critics say these men have turned the city into a fiefdom, enabling extortion, property seizures, and political intimidation.

A Fragile Authority

The 170th Air Defense Brigade, heavily armed and deployed on the northern fronts, is accused of acting as a protective umbrella for wanted individuals. Security forces repeatedly avoid raids on Mofas’een strongholds, citing fears of internal conflict or weakened defenses against the Houthis.

At times, gunmen have even threatened to hand over their neighborhoods to the Houthis if pressed, a stark example of the fragility of state authority in Taiz

The Turning Point: Al-Hammadi’s Assassination

The 2019 killing of Brigadier General Adnan al-Hammadi, commander of the 35th Armored Brigade, marked a decisive shift in the security landscape. Al-Hammadi had represented one of the few independent counterweights to Islah’s dominance. His death dismantled that balance, leaving the party in near-complete control and deepening the city’s descent into chaos.

Rivalries on the West Coast

Complicating matters is the presence of forces loyal to Tariq Saleh, nephew of the late president Ali Abdullah Saleh, stationed in Mokha on the Red Sea coast. His troops are viewed as a military and political counterweight to Islah, fueling mutual suspicion. The rivalry has led to further hardening of the polarization. 

Following Al Mashhari’s assassination, senior Islah figure Sheikh Hamid al-Ahmar framed the killing as an opportunity to attack Saleh’s camp—portraying Taiz as the “gateway to liberating Sanaa” while deflecting blame for the city’s insecurity.

The Threats Faced by Al-Mashhari

Ever since she was appointed to the post, in October 2023, Al-Mashhari had to contend with an entire system of military dominance and extortion. According to reports, she refused to pay a 200 million Yemeni rial “tribute” to an armed man affiliated with the 170th Brigade. She also refused to bargain over a government building that had been returned to a civilian authority. When threatened by gunmen in her office, she refused to be cowed down. Instead, she filed complaints and raised her voice. Just two weeks before her assassination, she told those close to her that “the noose is tightening.” 

Her assassination is the first crime of its kind in Yemen against a woman in an official leadership post. For the people of Taiz, she was not just an official, but a symbol of a cleanliness project and of resisting corruption, and combating all that was wrong in the city.

Prior to her killing, there were religious incitement campaigns targeting women leaders, with sermons delivered by clerics on how “a woman’s place is the home”. 

The National Women’s Committee described Al-Mashhari as "a model female leader who devoted her life to serving the city of Taiz, exerting great efforts in defiance of security and economic challenges," stressing that her passing represents "a tremendous loss for the city and the entire nation." It termed her killing as yet another episode in the "cowardly targeting" of civilian cadres and female professionals who serve the community despite all the circumstances and challenges.

Rising Public Anger

The public outrage following al-Mashhari’s killing has been unprecedented. Residents have demanded not just the arrest of the killers but the purging of militia-controlled neighborhoods. Some communities have gone further, blaming entire regions for the violence, raising fears that the conflict could spiral into broader social strife.

Accused of protecting the ‘Mofas’een’, its key armed group, Islah now faces a dilemma: Dismantle the networks it has long relied upon or risk a popular uprising that could strip the party of control over Taiz.

The Cost of Impunity

What Taiz faces today is more than insecurity, it is the institutionalization of a parallel authority. Militias act as de facto rulers; security institutions are compromised by political interests and justice is increasingly out of reach.

The assassination of Al-Mashhari was not an isolated incident but a symptom of systemic collapse. Without accountability, the Mofas’een will remain untouchable, and the cycle of violence will deepen.

For many in Taiz, the conclusion is bitterly clear: the state has withered, justice is impossible, and the city remains hostage to competing powers more interested in survival than stability.